Caste republics hurt

Caste republics hurt

H D Deve Gowda has served both as Karnataka Chief Minister and Prime Minister. But he chose Hasan over Gulbarga to contest elections. Is it because Hasan has a sizeable Vokkaliga presence - around 35 per cent - and Gowda belongs to this caste?

Also, why does his politics centre around southern Karnataka? Is it because southern Karnataka is dominated by Vokkaligas and Lingayats form a majority in the northern part of the State.

Let's talk about a north Indian leader. Chaudhary Charan Singh has served both as UP Chief Minister and Prime Minister. He chose Bagpat over Azamgarh and his influence was centred around western up? Is it because Bagpat/ western UP is a Jat-dominated land?

Turn to west India. Sharad Pawar has served as Maharashtra Chief Minister. A potential Prime Ministerial candidate, he contests only from Baramati. His brand of politics works only in western Maharashtra? Is it because Baramati has a high concentration of Maratha voters.

In the East, S Jaipal Reddy contests from Miryalgudu, and Renuka Chaudhary from Khamam? Is it because Miryalgudu is a Reddy land, and Khamam a Kamma land?

I K Gujral has lived in Delhi all his life. But when he became Prime Minister, he chose Jalandhar to enter Lok Sabha. Is it because Jalandhar has 59 per cent non-Sikh Punjabi population? Why should Dharmendra contest from Bikaner, a Jat stronghold.

Barring a few exceptions, most politicians contest from constituencies where their caste members are in majority. Most local parties are 'regional' more in terms of caste-demography and less in geography. This means that parties depend more on caste than ideology to garner votes. Four decades back, these caste-republics were non-existent, at best, invisible. Atal Bihari Vajpayee won from a Muslim-dominated Balrampur in 1957 and 1967. It may not be possible now. He is more popular than in 1957.

Raj Narayan's 1977 victory over Indira Gandhi, a Bhumihar, seems unthinkable today. Her descendants can hardly think of filing papers from Rai Bareli where Bhumihars are non-existent. But why are these caste republics becoming increasing violent?

Till August 15, 1947, it were the dwijas, led by Brahmans, who had ruled India and controlled assets and institutions. Their decline began as soon as the zamindari system was abolished. The situation reached became critical when On August 7, 1990, the V P Singh announced that his Government would implement the recommendations of the Mandal Commission. The caste republics had got political sanctity.

Power slipped out of the dwijas' hands and went to a bunch of castes. For instance, Kapus in Andhra Pradesh or Lodhs in UP are similarly placed in hierarchy and have similar occupations, but they can hardly relate to each other.

In UP, Lodhs are 2.2 per cent and Jats 1.6 percent of the population. In constituencies like Hamirpur or Farrukhabad, Lodhs constitute 12 per cent. This region is a Lodh republic. Jats constitute 18.0 per cent in Mathura or 14.0 per cent in Bagpat. Kapus may be insignificant at the state level, but may be as high as 16.0 per cent in Rajamundry.

In each State, there may be as many as half a dozen castes with areas of dominance. To them, India is a booty which must be plundered.

To that end, the State power must be captured, but, given their local existence and numerical weaknesses, they cannot capture power through traditional democratic methods.

The rivalry develops into a gang-war, with violence as a necessary ingredient. Situations arise when cast republics form cartels, and rally behind two bigger republics. Kamma or Reddy become rallying point in Andhra Pradesh and Vokkaliggas and Lingayats in Karnataka. The pattern follows all over India.

Localised in nature, and agriculturists in profession, these castes can't be loyal to a nation and give respect to democratic governance. The Constitution must conform to the value systems of caste republics, and not vice versa.

Violence becomes a tool to protect their territories. Things achievable through non-violent methods are achieved by violent methods.

The gang wars of the caste republics is hurting India the most, making electoral process a mockery